knowledge has no horizons

Finally CBI had the nerves to arrest "Spectrum" Raja, and how remained not a mystery, despite DMK within the alliance. As the arrest came at a time of general elections in Tamilnadu and gains momentum as the seat-sharing process is on the move between the parties, it does not fail to arise as many speculations as possible among both political parties and political observers. Though Congress claims the arrest to be the part of CBI's investigating process and that the law takes its own course, and Subramanya Swamy, who continues to harp on the allegations involved in 2G allocation, terms it poetically "the end of the beginning", the arrest might be a ruse to hoodwink the common populace who voted "the arrested" to power, as the Oppostion parties believe. Or an attempt to convince the Apex court, which is monitoring the CBI inquiry into the allegations and where the Congress "owned" CBI - as some believe - is to give the status report on 10 of this month. God only knows (if he exists).

May be, it is Congress' turn to play with DMK the political game. Making Karunanidhi wait for hours to meet Sonia Gandhi in Delhi; Submission of the report by the former justice Shivraj Patil who at the behest of the present Telecom Minister Kabil Sibal started his probe into the alleged allegations when Karunanidhi was in Delhi; CBI summoning Raja to inquiry for the fourth time and this was too when Karunanidhi was in Delhi; all in a row raised the assumptions that Congress wants to play the political game both at Centre and the State and to hold the key in the seat-sharing process, threatening DMK to yield to their expectations.

BJP, the main Opposition party and the party which stands firm on its demand of forming JPC to look into the scam comments on the arrest of Raja and the trio as "too little, too late". And, the comment is hundred percent correct. Despite the alleged scam in the 2G allocation sprouted in the Media in 2008 and the CBI, too, registered a case in October, 2009 itself, it took CBI for around 15 months to arrest the accused.

Sonia-led congress is far better and more calculative than Karunanidhi and his family owned DMK. Congress has killed many birds with single stone - the arrest of 'Spectrum' Raja. First the Congress may use the apprehension as a tactic to pressurize the reluctant DMK to allot more seats than DMK plans to; it may use the arrest an opportunity to project itself with clean image and to make people believe that it has no hands into the alleged allegations; and, finally, to convince the Supreme Court that it is speeding up the investigating process against the accused. Congress also knows that the arrest would cool its ally both at the centre and the state, Mamata Banarjee, and enable to go to people with clean image in the coming assembly elections in West Bengal.

The century old Congress is also aware of the fact it may face the ire and irk of DMK, if it proceeds taking DMK into the so-called investigating trap, and knows that it would get the backing from the AIADMK whose supremo Jayalalitha would go to any extent to extinct the DMK party and its supremo Karunanidhi, provided Congress assures her of grilling Karunanidhi in connection to 2G allocation. Congress never seems to believe that freebies would do any magic no longer in Tamilnadu.Also it gives a ground for both AIADMK and the Congress to use Spectrum allegation to tarn the image of and brand DMK a "corruptive" party. Family politics can be brought to the fore during the election campaigns.

Congress may think of forming and heading a third front in Tamilnadu taking in the DMDK, PMK and other regional and caste parties like Kongu Nadu Munnetra Kazhagam (KMK). DMDK's vote bank at around 10.2 percent, PMK's Vanniyar strength in North, KMK's Gounder strength in the West, and the anti-DMK wave among the Devendira Kula Vellalar in the South with its own 16 percent of vote may all do the trick in the forthcoming election. While AIADMK aims at getting the Congress out of the DMK alliance, it may also help AIADMK to win in a good number of seats, thus preventing DMK coming to power again and also making the possibilities for Congress to form coalition government with AIADMK. And if this happpens, AIADMK will be forced to back the Congress at the Centre, when her government is backed by Congress in the State.

Congress had a bitter experience with AIADMK, and because of the "I" image, Jayalalitha committed many mistakes in the past. But, fortunately for her party, she seemed to have corrected them so as to avoid yet another bitter one with Congress. Finally, Congress holds the reigns in the state.

“Pen is mightier than the sword” for Napolean, despite he himself being General. “I have no scepter, but I have a pen” are the words of Voltaire, when he happened to be opposite to the camp of the King Ferdinand over an interpretation of Newton. The ink from Bharathiyar’s pen ignited in people’s mind the spirit of patriotism. The fact that a pen can write a fate of a nation is evident with the writings of Karl Marx. Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru, Jinnah, Periyar, Thiru.Vi.Ka, Bharathidasan, Anna Durai and other men of prominence had all been journalists and used the media as mouth-pieces for inculcating their ideas.

Press was the option for many people of all sorts as freedom fighters, poets, politicians for propagating their ideas among the people, eventually inculcating in their minds. Vimosanam of Rajaji was started with a view to carving the ill-effects of taking toady in people’s thoughts. Mahatma Gandhi authored several magazines, like Indian Opinion, Young India, Navajeevan and Harijan; Ani Besant found for herself New India in 1916 and later founded an English weekly Common Wheel. Raja Ram Mohan Rai released for her part two magazines – Sambad Kaumadi and Mirat Al Akbar in Bengali and Persian, respectively. Media also provided platform for spreading religious ideas for people like Aravindhar and others and Karmayogi (1909) and Arya of the erstwhile are worth-mentioning.

That two reporters of Washington Post named Edward and Bernsten brought Nixon’s presidency to an end by bringing out Watergate scam in the lime light, and “visitor” Anand of Thuqlaq, a Tamil magazine, was the cause behind the resignation of Mayor of Chennai themselves speak the powers of journalists. A journalist should be social reformer at heart and should not hesitate to picture the follies and foibles of the society. Taking to his heart the point that all exist on the earth are for the sake of people, he should not fail to pinpoint the faults and shortcomings of them. Being a part of the Fourth Estate, he should not be afraid of questioning the three estates ¬– Legislative, Administrative and Judicial – when they seem to go against people’s wishes. Sensing the pulses of citizens, he should guide the government in formulating schemes. Above all, he ensures to provide an impartial, disinterested synthesis of information.

A journalist serves not only the purpose of spreading news of what is happening, but to speculate about what could be good for the general public. His role in society is inevitable. Probable having this in mind, the former Prime Minister of India, Nehru, opined that “the press is one of the vital organs of modern life, esp. in democracy. The press must be respected”.

"World has witnessed many being victimized simply for being sincere, and in this list is added the IAS officer Umashankar" is the statement that I heard my friend poetically say, who once happened to take him for a ride in a bike to a village near Melur, Madurai district, for the inspection of newly built houses for Adi Dravidas. Of course, no one with conscience would find the statement hyperbolic, as he was obviously known for the dedication to the desk, whatever it be – either his career as an additional collector in Madurai, or as the first collector in Thiruvarur (the district in which the sitting Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu was born), or as the managing director of ELCOT, or as the managing director of the government-run and the “yet-coming” Tamil Nadu Cable Television Corporation or as the Director of Small Savings, and he earned a good name in all of these.

He proved himself to be a man of sincerity right from his career as an additional collector in Madurai. His bold exposing of cremation shed scam in 1995 that involved Selva Ganapathy, the ex-minister in the AIADMK regime and the current MP of Rajya Sabha representing DMK gained him a place in Karunanidhi’s heart. This, in turn, resulted in appointing him the first collector of the newly born Thiruvarur district in ….Wherever he goes, his thirst for innovations and his quest for sincerity follows. He made Thiruvarur to be the best district in India in E-Governance. After a setback for a span of five years during the AIADMK regime, he was then elevated as the Managing Director of ELCOT, where he poured a new blood implementing innovations in taking tenders, thus becoming a model for others to follow.

Besides, he was the brain behind the nine information technology parks and special economic zones (SEZs). That, thus a man known for his sincerity was suspended on the grounds of having produced a fake community certificate, which reads, the Tamil Nadu government claims, as Hindu Adidravidar instead of Christian Adidravidar caused many to raise eyebrows in surprise and shock. What acted behind such a man’s suspension, obviously as one expects, requires a flashback.

That, having appointed the Managing Director of ELCOT, he started inquiry into the causes of loss of properties worth a several hundred crores, and this was said to be disturbed the sleep of “the South” (Junior Vikatan 28-07-2010), then was he transferred to DIC; Days passed by, and there came a rivalry between Karunanidhi and his family and the Maran brothers over the issue of publishing the survey that projected M.K.Stalin as Karunanidhi’s next political heir with support from majority of people, finally claiming three innocent lives; Karunanidhi opted to be on the side of his sons, while at the same time analyzing the possibilities of putting an end to Summangali Cable Network run by Maran brothers; Coming to his mind was Umashankar IAS when he was cudgeling his brains over the issue, and then came the State Cable Corporation with Umashankar as the head of it; is the flashback to be taken into consideration.

Umashankar continued his “usual” work, and nothing went wrong until the “parted” families became “united”. His recommendations to nationalize Sumangali Cable Corporation and to take action against the sitting central minister invited the wrath of the brothers at the time and the wrath continued fuming. Now he is under suspension, albeit on the grounds of fake certificate as the government claims.

Leave that as it is. The government came with the reasons for suspending Umashankar, and the questions that one seeks to clarify are that which state government is given with the powers of doing any such thing and under what provisions? If the fake community certificate is real concern of the government, what it did for around 20 years (he served the office from August, 1990, and the certificate was issued to him 1985), does the government want to question the credibility of UPSC (Union Public Service Commision) that granted him IAS cadre after checking with all the certificates, including his community certificate? And finally whom to satisfy the action being taken?

UPSC is provided with the power of taking action against the accused, in the case of certificate being a fake one. Everyone is sure to share with Umashankar his surprise of suspension without issuing him even a notice. Government is to guide the people a devise welfare plans for them. But preferring [Karunanidhi] people’s welfare to that of general public and the officials working for them would force one to lose faith in democracy. The man who boasts of “working” for the public cause for over a half century should have known it.

“Delayed justice is denied justice” is a saying, whereas justice itself is denied for the Bhopal-gas-leak tragedy victims. Twenty-three years of trial, 178 witnesses and 3.008 reports – all against the eight accused in the case that caused thousands to die and lakhs to get worst affected – are all for just two year imprisonment and a lakh rupees fine. No doubt, yesterday turned out to be yet another black day for the Bhopal victims.

The people of Bhopal at the night of December 2, 1984 might not have known that there would be no dawn for them. They might not have assumed the Union Carbide Plant in their area turned out their life-takers. Those that escaped with incorrigible injuries might not have thought of the worse effects to being passed on to the next generation to come. And, above all, the survivors of the tragedy might not have imagined such and inhumane judgement as and at the end.

Any government is formed for the sake of the people, and its duty is to ensure their safe livelihood. And courts in a democracy are to act as the saviours of the rights of the people. No one would contradict with this, I hope. In the case of Bhopal gas-leak tragedy, either denied to do its intended duties. The prime accused of this case, Warren Anderson, is all free in island, leading there a luxurious life. What is humiliating are the events after the tragedy. It took four days for police to arrest Anderson and a few hours for the judge to issue bail, and then no look back for him for the trial, and now is announced “absconding”. The government might have evinced the same interest as it has now shown for probing Hedley, the man assumed to be the brain behind the Mumbai attacks.

While the judgement of two-year imprisonment for the seven (the one kicked the bucket in course of the trail) shocked the survivors of the tragedy, allowing them to go on bail of Rs. 25,000 added fuel to the fire. And this frustrated many that strove for justice (!) for the victims. That imagining a trial that is conducted for almost one quarter of a century, probing the causes of thousands of deaths and lakhs of victims, knowing the culprits, with 178 people examined and cross-examined, 3008 reports produced was ended with 100 pages of judgement giving the accused just two year imprisonment and one lakh fine, and at once issuing them bail may tickle one’s funny bones.

Judgement of court should not be subject to criticism. Yet the yesterday judgement of the court of the chief judicial magistrate seemed to have failed to prove the truth behind the fact “All is equal before law”. And probably for the reason are covered the eyes. As the union law minister Veerappa Moiley said, "This is one such case where justice is delayed and practically denied. I would like to say justice is buried”. It is his “concern” that it should not to be repeated. And most of Indians share with his “concern”.

One of the surviving victims of the tragedy Hameetha Bee opines that the accused are to be hanged on, and her opinion, I think, is worth considering.

“There are still situations of cleaning of human excretion and wastages by humans themselves in Tamilnadu”, the comment by N.M. Kamble, Vice-Chairman, National Commission for Scheduled Castes and his further assertion of having photo evidence during his visit to the state on Feb.18 was sure to have disturbed the DMK supremo, K.Karunanidhi, whose government he boasts of implementing various welfare schemes for the upliftment of Adi Dravidas. And this was proved when Karunanidhi released in a hurry in a statement questioning the genuineness of Kamble’s complaints, adducing his state principle of not using human to clean the savages and excretion and his government’s buying of machines for such works. Also he assured to bring the “groundless” complaints to the notice of the Prime Minister.

Whose is true, and to find out this are conducted Surveys. Evidence, a Madurai-based NGO, conducted a survey in certain parts of the State to check the impeccability of the statements of Kamble. The results of the survey came in a horrible ways bringing to light with photos and corroborating Kamble’s complaints. And didn’t come for Karunanidhi’s rescue. What is pathetic is that of the 303 surveyed, who are doing such works, almost half of them allow their sons and daughters to come after their footprints. Also, it is cruel to know that they are often made to be subject of torment, on the basis of profession and caste.


A real upliftment of a community starts with the societal change. That, in a world of scientific advancements and technological developments, scenes such as cleaning of human excretion and savage water by humans themselves remain unchanged is really a hard-to-digest fact. Will Karunanidhi, who calls himself a relative of Dalit (தலித்களின் சம்பந்தி) consider this?

One who has committed a mistake and does not correct it is committing another mistake: this is quite applicable to the AIADMK supreme Jeyalalitha. Being the main opposition party leader and the two-time chief minister of the state, she continues to fail to feel the pulse of the people, who are the real rulers of the democracy(!)

The history of TN assembly has never seen such a long list of by-elections, totaling 11, that started with the demise of P.T.R. Palanivelrajan in Madurai (centre) to that of Periyannan in Pennagaram, and DMK and Congress proved to be the best alliance in all the 11 constituencies – Madurai (centre), Madurai (East), Thirumangalam, Thondamuthur, Kambam, Sri Vaigundam, Ilaiyankudi, Vanthavasi, Trichendur, Pargur and Pennagaram. Ever since the inauguration of the party in 1971 and in its history of contesting in election, the AIADMK has never ever seen such a serious setback in any by-election, albeit the party lost deposit in Hosur and Killiyur by-elections. The results of the Pennagaram by-election has, no doubt, sent shock waves to AIADMK party men, and is, no wonder, for the public. It is pathetic for the primary opposition party to lose deposit, failing to get just a sixth of the total votes polled. And what caused this?

Despite the fact that AIADMK lost deposits in certain constituencies as Thiruvattaru and Vilavanggadu in Kanyakumari in general elections in 2006, Pennagaram asked for much attention, as the party itself considered the election an option for evincing the second biggest party after DMK. The past recorded the winning of the opposition party at rare occasions, as Maya Thevar in 1973 parliamentary by-election.


It is better to discuss not with particular reference to Pennagaram and other constituencies that witnessed by-election in the recent four years, but with the Dos and Don’ts in general that Jeyalalitha takes to heart and remember to face her arch-rival, Karunanidhi. At a time when she is to prove to be the unassailable opposition leader, as the assembly general election is approaching, she risks her political future with her visits to Kodanadu and Siruthavur. Is she aware of ignoring the importance of visiting the assembly and taking part in its session? Does she deny for herself the focus given by the media and the warm response from the people of Tamilnadu, when visiting the assembly alone to question the schemes and projects of the DMK government while all the MLAs of her party were under suspension? For, she has also to project herself the responsible and dutiful opposition leader that evinces interest in the interests and welfare of the people.

It is also important for her to shed the image of “luxurious” leader, the stamp that was borne on her even at her first term as chief minister. It is hard for the voters to digest the comings on helicopter to garner the votes and easy for them to compare it with deputy chief minister’s garnering of votes.

One with average mind can easily comprehend the fact that literature (word play) and cinema interchangeably ruled and is ruling the state, after the independence. That coming from the background of cinema and her closeness to MGR were the real blessings for her and needed no introduction to the people were the past. But the present needs her to present herself an effective opposition leader and orator that puts forth the shortcomings of the government to the public lucidly. Her campaign in Pennagaram is an exquisite example for how a leader should not campaign, which eventually did not attract any attention of the public. Her campaign accusing the ruling party of not implementing the Ohanekkal project, while it is under progress shows her to be oblivion and oblivious of what is going on in the state. Also she should avoid being with Sasikala in election campaigns.

Alliance is formed with parties that share certain aims and common goals and interests in general, anywhere, and it is good for any political party, particularly the alliance formed by the opposition parties, to maintain it (and also respect it) until the common goal is achieved. Any agitation or campaign without seeking the support of the parties in alliance fails to present its strength, however bigger the party be. She left PMK in the lurch, does not respect MDMK and is not sure of herself of the Left parties, whether in alliance. She might be aware of the maxim: united we stand; divided we fall.

The pillars of any party is the party men, who sweat on the field for the party to win. Lending ears to complaints or grievances, giving respect to the ideas of members and fulfilling their needs are the responsibilities of a leader, thus keeping them within the party and making them work for it. R.M.Veerappan, Thamaraikkani (Sri Villiputhur), Liyakath Alikhan, Indhira Kumari, M.C.Thamodharan, Ragupathy (Pudukkottai), Karupasamy Pandian (Trinelveli), Selva Ganapathy (Salem), Anitha Radhakrishnan (Trichendur), Sedapatti Mutthaih (Chozhavanthan), K.K.S.S.R (Viruthunagar), Sathyamoorthy (Trinelveli) all quit or made to quit the party, damaging the vote bank of their respective areas. Ku.Ba.Krishnan and Kannappan were also in the above list, though they are back to the party. It is also to be noted here that some of them in the above list is made to be ministers in the present DM government and others are given a respectable position, which one cannot expect in AIADMK. The two MLAs’ – Radhakrishnan from Kovilpatty and Rajendran from Jayamgondam constituencies representing her party in the assembly – meeting with Azhagiri and Karunanidhi is an indication of her inability to have her men under her control.


Making the impression of being belonged to a particular caste and family is sure to have ill-effects in the elections to come. According to a survey, 18 out of every 100 are Dalits, and concentrating also on them yields better results. And, above all, she is to realize that Kodanad is in Tamilnadu, and not Tamilnadu itself.

26 of January is sure to be a day of much anticipation for the world, particularly for the Tamils living across the world, as this is the day that decides the destiny of the leadership of the island nation, Sri Lanka, and that, in turn, of the Tamils. Of the 22 candidates fighting for the presidential chair, the two from the Ambalangkoda district and the "friends-turned-enemies" – Rajapakse and Sarath Fonseka – are the foremost to note, as the presidential election primarily revolves around these two. Added to them, worth mentioning is the Tamil MP, Sivajilingam

2011 presidential election is set to conduct this year over the expectation of Rajapakse that the victory(!) against the Liberation Tigers (LTTE) would bring him yet another chance to rule the island nation for the second term. He was able to feel the pulse of the Singhalese and was correct in his decision of conducting the election a year before, until Sarath Fonseka's announcement of his entry into politics. The same man who surprised Rajapakse with his war strategies and victory(!) against the LTTEs as the general shocked him as the opponent candidate. Perhaps, Rajapakse would not have expected this!

Sri Lanka being a nation with about 70 percent Singhalese, 17 percent Tamil and 8 percent Mulsim population living, it never failed to establish itself a nation of and for Buddhists. (Past has shown us a Buddhist monk, Talduwe Somarama Thero, shooting the prime minister, Solomon Pandara Naiake, for not completely yielding to the order of Buddhist monks to announce Sri Lanka a Buddhist country). Though Singhalese form the majority of the population of the island, Tamils prove to be deciding factor of winning the presidential elections, either participating in the election or boycotting it. 2005 election made Rajapakse the President with just around a plus of 1, 50,000 votes than Ranil Vikramasinge, in which Tamils refused to poll their votes.

This is going to be the first election for the Tamils without Liberation Tigers since 37 years. While Rajapakse, the President, is trying to wipe out the Tamils from the island, Rajapakse, the politician, put on all make-ups as the friend of Tamils to win their votes. His alliance with small, regional Tamil parties might prove futile for him. Whereas the support from the Tamil National Party, the biggest Tamil party with 22 MPs, to Sarath Fonseka on the condition of implementing his assurance of looking into the long-lasting Tamil issues might turn Tamil Votes to Sarath Fonseka's side.

Sivajilingam, an MP of Tamil National party, may be made feel sorry for his independent nomination in the presidential election. His dream of garnering good number of votes from Tamils may go against his expectations. Tamils and Muslims do not seem to waste their votes polling to Sivajilingam. Sarath Fonseka is already all the way to attract votes from the both – Tamils and Muslim. Tamils may go in favour of Sarath Fonseka, as the biggest Tamil party Tamil National party tenders its support to him. Also, there are chances for Tamils to see Sarath Fonseka as just a puppet dancing to the tunes of Rajapakse during his tenure as a general. Also, there are also opinions that Sivajilingam's entry into the electoral battle is just a trick of Rajapakse to divide the Tamils votes and to stop going in favour of Sarath Fonseka.

Muslims may not want the country to be announced as the Buddhist one. They might see Sarath Fonseka as the lesser harmful than that of his counterpart, Rajapakse. Also, Rajapakse's seeking of support from Buddhist leaders directly to counter Sarath Fonseka might add fuel to the fire. Political parties representing Muslim population, too, provide their unconditional support to Sarath Fonseka, which in turn would corroborate him in the electoral battle.

No doubt, Sarath Fonseka is capable of attracting young and educated voters of the country. His taking of heir politics of Rajapakse to the voters during his election campaign has turned positive, as the opposition parties expected. The former President Chandrika Kumarathunga’s meeting with the ex-general and her open support to him is yet another good sign for Sarath Fonseka. Winning the war against the LTTEs is not alone the winning factor for Rajapakse, while there are other problems hikes in the price of commodities that really torment the middle-class population, law-and-order problem in the country, heir politics, etc. for which Pakse has no answer.

In short and in fact, Sarath Fonseka seems to dominate the presidential election.

Liberhan commission’s prolonged probe into the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, the submission of the report to theCentre in the last June after for about 17 years, its subsequent leak of certain parts of the report in certain newspaper, and the government’s hurriedly tabling of the report in the two houses of the parliament yesterday are sure to hook a common man with several questions.

The demolition of the Babri Masjid is not just a matter of common concern, but of communal concern and interest. Communal concern in a country like India is more a matter of serious concern than the common concern. It is said that delayed justice is denied justice. Any commission that is set in the interest of the nation should not prolong the probe for years, as Liberhan committee did. Imagine the years that the Liberhan took to conclude in its report the culprits whom the nation knows well. Here, one may seek after excuses, saying the ATR (Action Taken Report) being framed might be the cause for the delay of the committee. But who answers the statement released today that [t]he Action Taken Report…is weak and inadequate. It displays a lack of political will to bring those responsible to justice.”

One is forced to think that congress plays its usual role of pinching the child and rocking the cradle. A common man with a good memory can remember that Narasima Rao-led Congress government was in the power at the time of demolition of the Masjid. What were the steps that it took to prevent demolishing it? When the Centre has the power of implementing President’s rule or other means, like the use of military force, in any state that is acting against the interest or security of the nation, what forced the Congress government to remain silent in the matters of Ayodhya? What about the Operation Blue Star ordered by Indira Gandhi in the Golden Temple in Amristar, and why is it?

If the state is to be blamed for making the black-marked event happen, the Centre too is to be blamed for allowing it happen. Mere logic is enough to conclude that in a state where the BJP was in power and which organized the rally, promising the apex court not to harm the mosque, possibilities are there for violence. We can’t go to the extent of calling the demolishment a collusion of BJP and Congress for the sake of meeting their political ends, as the present chief minister of UP, Mayawathi, claims. The accusation from the Left parties – “In spite of the repeated requests made by senior political leaders in the secular opposition at that time and the unanimous resolution of the National Integration Council asking the (P.V.) Narsimha Rao Government to take all measures to protect the Babri Masjid, it showed itself to be weak and vacillating in the face of the communal offensive” – can’t just be ignored and gains momentum at a time where BJP alone is brought to the front as scapegoat.

The Liberhan committee handed over the report of their probe to the Centre in the month of June. But the report was not put on the table for public and political view and discussion till the days before. If the aim of the government is to present the report on the Winter Session of the Parliament, why it did not table on the first day of the session itself? While the home minister Chidambaram claims to have only one copy of the report in his ministry and Justice Liberhan assures of not divulging anything in his report to anybody, who then holds the responsibility of releasing the part of the report to the media? Whether the government intended to prove itself to be incapable of safeguarding even a report. Publishing a part of the report in a daily and the subsequent submission in both Houses at a time when the opposition parties, particularly BJP, expected to exasperate the Congress with issues of sugarcane price, hawala of Madhu Koda whom Congress backed, spectrum scam may tend one to think that the congress might take it to put an end to uproars in the Houses (as it made the DMK supremo to be silent on the matter of Mullaiperiyar dam issue, with a CBI raid in his party minister’s office).

What goes in the nation with particular reference to the Liberhan report leaves little to the observers and people alike. Perhaps, God only knows, and is sure, next to him, the Congress.

(I intend in this essay not to classify the internal divisions of scheduled castes as Paraiyar and Arunthathiyar; instead, I desire to put the general term “Dalits”.)

Three women are raped everyday; thirteen are killed every week; six are kidnapped or abducted every week; five homes or possessions are burnt every week – thus goes the survey of NCDHR – and all this is because they are born dalits and of dalits. What is there being born so? Of course, India has recorded in the past and is recording in the present innumerable incidents of inequality. While the Indian sub-continent boasts of its “unity in diversity”, it is now time to question the “thought” itself that every Indian tends to take pride in.

This essay confines itself in discussing about a race that is called “Harijan” in Gandhian term, “Scheduled caste” in English term, “Dalits” in Tamilian term. This is about a race that formed the 17 percent of the total population of India in the 2001 census. This is about a race that is kept on neglecting in either of the scenarios – political, educational, professional. This is about a race that is viewed with visceral dislike of and is made to dance to the tunes of the upper-caste hindus and is puppets in the hands of politicians.

“If untouchability continues to exist in India, it is sure to lead only for its destruction”, cursed Mahatma Gandhi, who viewed harijans as gods. Forget the Gandhian view on them. After all, they are human beings.

India has registered various embarrassing incidents targeting datits, and Tamil Nadu has always been the place of violence against them. Although there exist several acts (!) to protect them, it is excruciating to know that they continue to be targets of assaults and are victimized for longer. Which section of Indian Penal Code prevents a dalit taking part in a land auction? Of course, it is a cognizable offence, according to the upper-caste hindus’ codes, and death is the punishment for this in their courts. Sennakarampatty is such a village in Madurai district, Tamil Nadu, that executed such sentence. Four of the dalits belonging to Sennakarampatty that took part in the land auction were brutally murdered on their way to their homes in July 1992. The village witnessed yet another massacre of two dalits – Velu and Ammasi –who were dragged from the bus to be beheaded.

Madurai, notoriously earned fame of being the biggest village in India, has been a place of concern and was known for its law-and-order problems, until recently. Who can erase from their memory the agonizing incidence of brutally butchering the seven people – Murugesan and others – traveling in a bus, simply for the reason Murugesan contested elections and won in the neighbouring village of Sennakarampatty, Melavalavu, in june, 1997. Political powers are fated to particular castes?

Thinniyam, a village in Trichy district, staged a yet another embarrassing scene. A dalit named Karuppaih along with two other dalits Ramasamy and Murugesan was branded with a hot iron and made to eat human faeces for asking to reiterate the money. One can’t turn a deaf ear to this as it was staged by a woman, who was the president village at that time, and by her husband.

How cruel it is for Dalits to live in a society in which even bringing up a dog was prevented by the upper-caste Hindus, and this is because they might have contact with their dogs resulting in mixed breeding. This atrocity goes up at its height in Velayathapuram, a village in Tuticorin of Tamil Nadu. A dalit named Mariappan was refused marriage hall in Erode district; those that opposed the dual tumbler system in Udumalaipet were beaten; and the list goes.

I remember reading Rousseau’s Man is born free, but everywhere he is in chains. But in the case of Dalits in India, he is made from his birth to bear the stamp of untouchable until his death.

No longer women are maids in the halls, cooks in the kitchens, and whores in beds. Nor are they considered to be the bringers of pain into the world. Forget about the Bible tale!

Women are making their marks in all the fields, which were once thought to be unfit for them, either in the field of politics, or in astronomy, or in literature, or in the lucrative field of information technology. The world has witnessed and is witnessing women ruling the countries and states efficiently. In India, Indira Gandhi, called the ‘iron lady’, ruled the country without a rival – albeit for a span of years. In the state level, many achieved fame to their names and are now deciding the destiny of governments. Jeyalalitha adorned the chair of Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu for 10 years, Mayawathi and Sudesha kirubalani – the latter having the credit of being the first woman chief minister of an Indian state – the chair of Uttar Pradesh; Rabri Devi, the chair of Bihar; Parvathi, the chair of Andra Pradesh. Apart from women being PM and CMs, many have entered the local politics and managed to win to become Mayors and councilors. India ecstasied with nominating a woman – Pratiba Patil – to the top of post of the Indian sovereignty and Meera Kumar to the chair of Parliamentary speaker.

Coming out of the confinement of politics in India, we can also see many to set their feet in it and succeeded becoming the supreme leaders of their states. Countries surrounding the Indian sub-continent always honoured women with high posts. Sirimavo Bandaranaike registered herself in the Sri Lankan as well as the world political history as the first woman prime minister. Who forget Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge of Sri Lanka, Sheik Hasina of Bangladesh and Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar?

Many unprecedented changes have occurred in their lives in the recent decades. Women, once thought to be fit only for kitchens, prove now equal to men and to be as efficient as their male counterparts to earn for themselves livelihood. It is explicit and evident from what we are seeing everyday that they, standing o their own legs, gained good positions in the society, not expecting their men for their survival. It is welcoming that the percentage of women working is exponentially grown in the few decades. Many have added laurels to their heads as successful entrepreneurs and have achieved fame as the supreme heads of organizations, like the Chennai-born Indra Nooyi to become the CEO of PepsiCo.

Women’s participation in the field of science and technology is also of paramount importance. Their explorations and attempts of exploring of what is above and under the earth proved significant. Kalpana Chawla claimed the credit of being the first women to make space voyage. Also, the domination of women in the field of literature becomes an often-felt one. Three women – Elfriede Jelinek of Poland, Doris Lessing of Britain and Herta Müller of Germany – are in the row of Nobel Prize winners for literature within a decade.

It is no hyperbolic to say that 2009 is year for women, as, for the first time in the history of Nobel Prize, five women are awarded the Nobel Prize. Beating the record of 2004 when three women got Nobel Prize, all the five made their marks. Marie Curie started the count in 1903 winning the prize for physics, and from then onwards, 40 women have registered their names for 41 times in the Nobel records. It is perspicuous from the fact that women’s dominance is on the fields of literature and peace, in which they were awarded 12 times each, respectively. This year is noteworthy for women for yet another reason. Right from the year of inception of the prize for Economics in 1969, Elinor Ostrom is the first to get it. Of course, women folk have all rights to take pride in this.

Now, read the beginning paragraph of the essay.

Days passed by after the TN MPs “insisted” on the Centre allowing them to visit war-ridden Sri Lanka and to study the situations and conditions of the Tamils in relief camps, who are living as refugees in their own homeland, and things are now going good for the DMK supremo, Karunanidhi, to stage a different drama to prove him the ever only leader of Tamils across the world. Yes, a team of TN MPs started their journey to Sri Lanka this afternoon. The team comprises MPs from Congress that gave weapons to root out Tamils, from DMK that backed and is backing Congress in the centre, and VCK leader Thirumavalavan, who found the nerve to swear to pluck the congress to its roots from the Tamil soil. Find it rib-tickling!

“The MPs' delegation is in response to the invitation extended by Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa to Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi to visit his country and see the relief operations”, said Natchiappan. He continued: “Our primary focus is to see how the internally displaced people are being maintained in the special camps in Sri Lanka and how the aid is being distributed to them”. The head of the team of Tamil MPs headed to Sri Lanka asserts, "The chief minister instead decided to depute a team of MPs of the ruling alliance on his behalf to have first hand information on the conditions prevailing there."

Now, it is time to turn to be serious to ask certain questions that are expected not to be evaded. Colombo announced that the war against the LTTEs ended in the month of May, and the war-affected Tamils are housed in relief camps from the time then. A lot of news is coming on the way that the Tamils in the relief are not provided with basic amenities like sanitation, food and others, and even things sent to them on humanitarian measures failed to reach them. What happened to Vanangaman, humanitarian ship carrying consignment of food, medicine, medical teams and other essential items to the suffering Tamils? In a petition filed in the Sri Lankan Supreme Court by the NGO Centre for Changed Principles, it painfully pointed out that 30 among the Tamils died of lack of nutrition, and around 3,00,000 Tamils housed in the so-called 40 relief camps are subjected to torment by the Lankan army (Watch Video). This happened in the month of June (Click to read). The news of worse and deteriorating condition of Tamils keep flowing even at and after the war. It is worth noting here the statement of US minister for External Affairs, Hilary, who accused Sri Lanka of using rape as a weapon in the fight against the LTTEs (Click here to read). Hats off to the State and Centre for arranging such an earlier visit to study their conditions!!!!

T.R.Balu, the head of the team of MPs, says we are not getting any information regarding our visit from the sri Lankan government side, whereas the State Congress leader Thangabalu claims, which Natchiappan reaffirms later, that a letter from the Lankan president has reached the TN CM, asking him to send a team of MPs from TN to study the situations in the relief camps (Dinamalar). Why is this contradictions and why the letter sent to karunanidhi rather than to Manmohan Singh?.

The team is visiting Lanka as a representative of State or Centre? If representing the Centre, why should they give report to Karunanidhi and through him to Manmohan Singh? T.R.Baalu is of the opinion that “[t]he chief minister instead decided to depute a team of MPs of the ruling alliance on his behalf to have first hand information on the conditions prevailing there.” When is the external ministry coming in the concurrent list? And why was the Sri Lankan president writing to him instead to Manmohan? How can one expect a detailed and true from the team, as it does not consist of MPs from oppositon parties, at least from the state level? MPs from AIADMK, Communists and MDMK were not the sons of Tamil soil and are strangers to Tamils there in Sri Lanka?

The statement of Karunanidhi at the time of asking to pressurize the Centre to stop Lanka killing Tamils still lingers in Tamil minds. A sovereign country cannot interfere into the matters of another sovereign country, he said. But, now, he is sending a team, just for political stunt. The five-day visit will be for dining with Rajapaksa, and the team eventually concludes: “the condition is satisfactory”.

Star always seems to favour Obama, whether it is the presidential election or Nobel committee’s selection. The charismatic leader of USA is able to catch up the view not only of his people, but the five-member committee elected by the Norwegian Parliament. Of the 205 total nominations – that include 172 individuals and 33 organizations – for the prize for this year, the young Obama emerged the victor of winning the prize. The third man sitting on the American presidential chair to win the prize after Roosevelt in 1906 and Wilson in 1919 and the fourth of 44 US presidents, Obama is of course eligible to be rewarded with – but too earlier to be awarded.

Having gone into the history of whats, whens and wheres of the Nobel Prize will be a real waste of time, whereas prize for peace has something special and worth knowing. Peace for prize, unlike others that are given by Swedish institutions, is to be given by selected committee elected by the Norwegian parliament to a man who, Nobel himself states in 1895 Will, “shall have done the most or the best work for fraternity between the nations and the abolition or reduction of standing armies and the formation and spreading of peace congresses”.

The prize comes as recognition of his vision of a world without nuclear weapons. The committee honours this man for instilling in people “hope for a better future” and for “his extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples”. The Norwegian committee didn’t forget to point out his outreach to the Muslim world. He is a man of his words and his pledge to withdraw the US troops from Iraq in the presidential election campaign is gradually getting realized.

The committee’s choice of him as the winner of Nobel Peace Prize for 2009 is also left room for debates among observers of Nobel prize. The point that they seek to pinpoint is that Obama took office less than two weeks before the February 1 nomination deadline. That the committee comes with clarifications of its choice or simply leaves it to time to answer is left to time itself.

People live fearlessly because of fear of law, and law does its duty because of fear of Press. The so-called fourth pillar of democracy is broken with the arrest of the news editor of Dinamalar, Lenin, and it is absolutely an act of strangling the freedom of press. No doubt, Dinamalar has earned a good name among the people for pointing out whatever that goes against the people.

Bhuvaneswari, an actress, was arrested for involving in flesh trade along with two others at her home at Adyar on Saturday. The police found themselves shocked to see a photo a political big name hanging in the house, yet they continued with their action. While the boldness and sagacity of TN police was saluted, something is left to them to be answered. Dailies like Daily Thanthi and news site like thatstamil have all alike pointed out that Bhuvaneswari threatened the TN police with the list of actress that involve in the flesh trade, to take actions against them. But the questions that a man belonging to common folk seeks to clarify are: what happened to the list of Bhuvaneswari about those involved in flesh trade? What are the actions that the TN police have taken against them? What made the TN police rush action against the Dinamalar news editor?

I am not here supporting Dinamalar publishing of the news with photos of actress that are thought to be involving in the flesh trade without confirming from the authorized state agencies. The arrest coming at the time of actors’ union staging a protest demanding actions assumed added significance. What does the government of Tamil Nadu really intend to do? If the arrest came as a response to the ferocity of the actors’ union and the so-called actresses whose images were thought to be torn after the news in Dinamalar, what is the response for Bhuvaneswari publicly challenging the police to arrest others? Do the Police have their ready-made answers that “we are setting traps” and “we will catch them soon”, as usual?

Media is not just a matter of publishing news. It itself is police without uniforms. It plays a vital role in state and nation architecture and helps reducing crimes. And the part of it can’t just be arrested for someone’s protest. If anything related to media comes under criticism should be solved through Judiciary.

"I have travelled across the length and breath of India and I have not seen one person who is a beggar, who is a thief. Such wealth I have seen in this country, such high moral values, people of such calibre that I do not think we would ever conquer this country, unless we break the very backbone of this nation, which is her spiritual and cultural heritage and therefore I propose that we replace her old and ancient education system, her culture, for if the Indians think that all that is foreign and English is good and greater than their own, they will lose their self-esteem, their native culture and they will become what we want them, a truly dominated nation".

And thanks for those that (try and) continue in all the ways to break the very backbone of this nation (click on http://dhanabalakrishnan.blogspot.com/2008/03/not-for-nothing-is-culture-good-thing.html)

Can you imagine a Tamil movie without a heroine, duet songs with her in foreign countries changing the dresses and locations? Unnaippol Oruvan hit the screens against audience’s imagination on 18, September. A remake of Hindi film The Wednesday, the movie is yet another hit for Kamal Haasan after Vettaiyadu Vilaiyadu and Dasavatharam, but this time with a message – terrorism is the only means of getting rid of terrorism.

Impossible is written in the dictionary of fools. Probably Kamal Haasan might believe in that. He enables to shoot the full film in an open-space construction-stopped building and in a confined commissioner office, not allowing many more outdoor shootings from the beginning to the end. A not-more-than-two hour film, it starts as a flashback of Mohan Lal, standing in the beach. Kamal Haasan claims to have set bombs in the important parts of the city and threatens to blast them, if his demand of releasing the four terrorists involved in coimbatore blasting and others is given a deaf ear. It is the concern of the concerned. Mohan Lal is the concerned and asks for assistance from the home secretary – Lakshmi – who is given full power to decide on the situation by the CM, who in turn to the commissioner Mohan Lal. Mohan Lal found no other go rather than yielding to Kamal Haasan’s demands, while trying to trace the location of the place where Kamal Haasan executes his plans over the phone. Four were released and three boarded in a jeep. To the surprise of Mohan Lal came the explosion of the jeep, and then the fourth to be shot dead. The question ‘Why’ is the rest of the story.

Mohan Lal’s interaction, and sometimes altercations, with Lakshmi pictures the top-level tensions in a perspicuous manner over such issues. Ganesh Venkat Ram and Bharat Reddy ask for applause. Voice of the Tamil Nadu CM dubbed and showing Lakshmi getting in the car from the house of the CM add originality to the film. The cigarette smoking lady reporter and IIT drop out deserve praise here.

Kamal Haasan puts forth a concept of terrorism as a means to root out the terrorism. He points his finger at all the existing criteria in the nation for punishing criminals and terrorists. He seeks to clarify a number of logical questions in the films and makes the audience eventually expect his questions not to be evaded.

Sreeman’s visit to the commissioner office seeking z security from Mohan Lal and certain other scenes – though have no connection with the main story – enable to get a clear glimpse of the character of Mohan Lal in the very beginning. Hats off to the dialogue writer – Ra. Murugan – for his writing such dialogues that flow naturally between the scenes. He made sure to add satirical elements that obviously fulfill the intentions, while, at the same time, ensuring the audience laugh at them.

Shruti Haasan made her debut as music director; as this is her maiden attempt, any shortfalls in the film related to music can simply be excused for this reason. Manoj Soni’s camera thrills the viewers with movements. Rameshwar Bhagawat’s editing makes the feel of enjoying a complete film.

Kamal Haasan again seems to suffer the fate of the hero belonging to A-centre people. Of course, it is pathetic to note that the common man – Kamal Haasan used to refer himself – fails to reach the common men. It is undoubtedly a good film, but reaching the ‘A’ centre as usual of most of his films. Kamal Haasan might have concentrated on the minimum usage of English conversation between characters, but not with the cost of reality.

In short, nothing to be mentioned on the negative side. A good film worth watching it. DON’T MISS IT.

“United we stand; divided we fall” will probably be the apt adage for the BJP at present. Being the main opposition party in India that challenged the century-old Congress right from its inception in 1980, it now suffers a lot from internal bickering and infightings within the party. Despite the fact that it was just a 3-years-old political party when it faced the parliamentary election in 1984, it could send two members to represent it in parliament. The 1989 election came as an astounding surprise for the national parties as it reaped a good number of 89 seats, and in 1991 with yet another astonishing win securing 121 seats, it had all reasons to believe to win the people’s mandates to form government in the centre. It came true in the 1996 elections, Atal Bihari Vaypayee being the prime minister.

What went in the past was good for the BJP and what was thought only for the sake of it. Vajpayee going out of the active political scene, things in BJP started to turn upside down. Internal bickering and infighting began to sprout in all of its forms from all the sides. They are not started with the expulsion of Jaswant Singh on August 19 from the party, as one may think, for extolling Jinnah in his book. It had it roots even before the parliamentary election over the context of next prime ministerial candidate. Albeit Advani being announced the official candidate to the chair of prime minister – Advani is, of course and obviously, the senior-most leader in BJP after Vaypayee – there were shouts among the party itself for Narendra Modi to be announced the apt one. Veteran BJP leader and the former vice-president Shekhawat’s wish for the same post is, too, worth mentioning here. The public spat between the party leader, Rajnath Singh, and the party secretary, Arun Jaitley, have done enough harm to the party in the elections. What is pathetic is that the BJP let smother the animosities, albeit not outwardly, between them yet. (Reason for the BJP’s debacle in the election, click http://dhanabalakrishnan.blogspot.com/2009/05/congress-reaped-good-harvest-whereas.html)

A man who is committing a mistake and does not correct it is committing another mistake, and it is applicable to political parties, too. BJP lost enough in the elections simply by virtue of party infightings, along with some other causes. Instead of inquiring into the infightings that took place in pre-elections, it brought forth internal bickering anew and brought into the political fore. Rajasthan might be the place that BJP don’t want. Vasunthara Raje, Jaswant Singh and, now the ex-vice president Shekhawat are all in the row, causing squabbles and tussles in the party. Raje, the then chief minister of Rajasthan, was set the target of BJP’s first victim. Bidding her to step down from the position of opposition leader of Rajasthan assemble was to no avail. Her supporters thronged Advani’s house, demanding the party chief to withdraw from their stand. The party was on fire, which resulted in the suspension of two MLAs considered to be Raje’s loyalists.

The next fell a victim was the army general-turned CM of Uttarakhand, Bhuvan Chandra Khanduri, who had to quit from his chair when the former chief minister Bhagat Singh Koshiyari bayed for his blood after BJP washed out in the state in the parliamentary election and resigned his Rajya Saba insisting on his resignation. Koshiyari’s demand was heard of and Khanduri stepped down.

That a figure of prominence falling a victim on the grounds of the party’s disciplinary action is the man who ornamented the NDA regime, serving as the External Minister and a Finance Minister for a while is Jaswant Singh. He might not have thought that writing a book eulogizing the Pakistan founder, Jinnah, would let in his political career drastic and adverse effects. Jaswant Singh is not Advani in the party, and this despite the fact, the latter’s visit to Pakistan and his consequent appreciating comments on Jinnah at his memorial asked for a lot of argle-bargle and altercations within the party and made him to be meekly submissive to the RSS. The party has got its guts for garters by expelling Singh out of the party for the same cause – praising Jinnah – now in a book.

The party infightings got a new shape when another senior leader and the former minister Arun Shourie called in an interview to the NDTV the BJP president Rajnath ‘Alice in blunderland’ and the party a ‘kite without a string’ after the expulsion of Jaswant Singh. Albeit ‘unexpected’ is the remark as BJP itself opined of his opinion, the remark came not without a reason. Shourie openly asked for change in the leadership level and pointed out that RSS should rebuild the party.

None might have thought that Kulkarni would turn against the party. His decision to step out the party comes on the grounds of ideological differences, though. It has had it roots from Jaswant’s book and the forthwith expulsion. He didn’t find himself disturbed to tell in his interview to the Times Now that ‘it is not proper for an individual to remain inside the party and express his views’ and assert Singh’s expulsion a ‘graceless’ action. He couldn’t find any difference in the remarks on Jinnah expressed by Advani and Jaswant Singh, he added.

Now it is the turn for the former vice-president Shekhawat to come to rescue for the expelled leader Jaswant Singh. "The way Jaswant was treated was not good. There is a need to praise his book," this came after the expelled leader called on him at his home, and this meeting happened on the pretext of inquiring Shekhawat’s health. He never failed to express his concern over the increasing indiscipline in the party and the fall in the standards.

Expulsion and suspension are coming at ease in BJP. The month of June witnessed the expulsion of Himachal Pradesh senior leader, Dulo Ram, on the grounds of allegedly indulging in anti-party activities. Suspension of the Delhi leader Lal Chand Mehraulia on disciplinary grounds led the Delhi BJP activists to urge their leaders to reinstate him.

It is natural for national parties to have infightings and internal bickering: Congress suffered from this a lot in the past and at present in certain states like Tamil Nadu and Kerala: One may not forget the same in the Left parties recently. But what the BJP should take to mind and remember is that is no use in expelling or suspending – simply on the disciplinary grounds – but sorting the causes of infightings out and rooting them out.

“Andhra Pradesh has lost an outstanding leader and the country has lost an ideal Chief Minister who was a role model for other States”, this panegyric came as a condolence message from the Prime Minister over the unexpected and instantaneous demise of the Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Y. Rajasekara Reddy. Of course, he is worth the note.

Born in a Christian family in 1949 in Pulivendula, a small town in Kadappa district to middle-class parents, he might have never thought of ruling the state. His unquenchable interest in politics brought him into active politics at the premature age of 27, and two years later took him to the AP legislative assembly as a young member. Of course, he was quick to grow a man of the masses in his state. His charismatic figure took him easily to the people, and being a practitioner he was good at feeling the pulse of them.

His electoral history has never ever experienced a setback. His successive wins in the Lok Saba elections from Kadapa constituency for four times and in the assembly elections from his home constituency Pulivendula for continuously six times earned him a good name among the top congress partymen. Added laurels to his head as MLA and MP, he also served his state as a minister holding important portfolios as Rural Development, Medical Health and Education, and served the party at the behest of Indira Gandhi as the President of Andhra Pradesh Congress Committee from 1983 to 1985 just at the age of 34 and from 1998 to 2000. Registered his name as the first man in AP legislative history to enjoy full five-year term as the Chief Minister, he took party to a good win both in the legislative and parliamentary elections, gaining 156 out of 294 to form government under his head with absolute majority in his state and contributing 33 out of 42 from his state to form UPA coalition government in the Centre, respectively. Indeed, Congress has reason to consider him the mascot of the party.

Reddy was a man of his words; his challenge of throwing TDP out of power got realized with a tremendous win for the Congress party, gaining 185 seats in the 2004 election. His long around 1,500-kilometre padayatra (journey by foot) through almost all parts of Andhra Pradesh made him acquainted with people and their grievances, longings and expectations, which, one could opine, formulated the governance of his first five-year term in office. The 2009 election came to him as a test to prove his competence, as he had to face new rivalry – apart from the already-existing one from the TDP – from the newly emerged party of Chiranjeevi, and he proved it with a win. He differed from his rival, Naidu, by turning his eyes on the villages and farmers and did a lot for the development of them, like free electricity supply, health insurance scheme and construction of houses for rural masses, and others. Andhra hoped yet to receive from him many, but to their dismal comes the demise of him.

The prime ministerial posting is not a privilege of a few (or one family). Any political party was and is started with the aim of grasping power, either at regional or state or national level. While contesting the elections to seize the chair of Prime minister is a definitely democratic move, what is beyond reason and is of absolute absurdity is that everyone put themselves for the post that decides the destiny of the nation. Mayawati, Lalu Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Deva Gowda and Jeyalalitha were, of course, in the queue, either directly or indirectly, in the 2009 elections.

Mayawati's dream came untrue

The election 2009, no doubt, came as a major shock and scattered Mayawati's dream of becoming the Prime Minister. The slogan "hui hamari, ab dilli ki baari" (We have captured Uttar Pradesh. Now will conquer Delhi) that she put forth in her election campaign proved eventually to be futile. Her party being the biggest national one in the Third Front next to the Left in terms of the seats in 2004 election and ruling the biggest state with the biggest share of seats to the Parliament, she calculated with the numbers, as she thought winning 50 out of 80 in Uttar Pradesh alone and a few in other states like Madhya Pradesh, where her party has set its foot gaining a seat in this election, Delhi and Rajasthan might enable her to sit in the chair of Prime Minister. Her calculation is not without a reason, because India witnessed a Prime Minister with just 57 MPs for his party (Chandrasekhar). While the past is as this in India, something went wrong for Mayawati somewhere. Now let us look in nutshell in the 'whats' and 'wheres' that caused her dream of becoming the Prime Minister come untrue.

Her attempt to portray her party as a one that does not belong to any particular caste and to prove the concept of the party that is in the name itself (Bahujan, all people) did not work out in the Lok saba election, as it did in the Assembly election of 2007, in which it won a good number of seats to form the first single-party government in the state in 17 years. Her fielding of candidates from all communities - 20 Brahmins, 14 Muslims, Six Thakurs, Four Yadavs and Kurmis each, two Banias and Gujjars, one punjabi Kharti and Lodh each - failed to fulfill her expectations of winning enough seats in the 2009 elections. Nominating 17 Dalits only in the reserved constituencies might have invited the hostility within her own community. She might be wrong to miscalculate that she will get the Brahmins’ votes, which BJP ever claims when it comes to the question of ruling the nation. The formation of Ulema Council (UC) and the Peace Party of India (PPI) that back and are backed by minorities were on the field for sharing the Muslims's vote bank. As the case may be this, she would have prevented Muslim votes from falling to Samajwadi party by bringing Kalyan Singh to the fore, the then Chief Minister at the time of the demolition of Babrid Masjid. Instead of having focused on Varun Gandhi getting imprisoned under the national security Act and the consequent indulgence in the recrimination against Menaka Gandhi, Varun's mother, she would have found a talisman to make the Rahul Gandhi's magic ineffective, at least in her state.

None had the gut to field their candidate throughout India, not allying with other parties, except Mayawati. And of course, hats off to that courage. But the courage did not appeal to the common sense. Making alliances with other parties, at least in her neighbouring states, such as Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Delhi and others - in Madhya Pradesh, she got one for her share - she might have added a few more to her total numbers. Being a chief minister, she missed the chance of making votes by providing people with welfare schemes, which Congress party's Rajasekara Reddy in Andhra Pradesh, Ashok Gehlot in Rajasthan, Shiela Dixit in Delhi, BJP's Ediyurappa in Karnataka, JD (U)'s Nithish Kumar in Bihar and DMK's Karunanidhi in Tamilnadu did it with a greater success. Considering Mulayam being her primary rival, she unwittingly ignored the emergence of Congress in her own soil. It is mysterious and abstruse to understand her campaigns in states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu, where, as one thinks, the party does not take firm roots yet. In short, she did a right thing at a wrong time, when it came to campaign. Lacking the star speakers or the 'star' speakers, the party continues to suffer its fate. Above all, building the state with welfare instead of erecting her statues and bust might have reason to appeal the voters, the deciders of destiny.

Lalu, left in the lurch

In the game of politics, Lalu Prasad Yadav was no longer on the field and was given 'out' by the umpires (people). His partnership with Ram Vilas Paswan eventually proved to be futile. Already having lost the state to Nithis Kumar, he lost his hold in the present UPA government, too. His insulting of congress by alloting just three seats left for congress no choice rather than contesting the election without alliance in the state. Despite the fact that the Congress derived only tow number of seats of the 37 it contested, none can deny that the congress answered back the RJD destroying Lalu's vote bank. His many 'offerings' to his state in the railway budget were spell-bound before the charismatic chief minister, Nithish Kumar. forming a fourth front in a state with just 40 MPs and longing to become the PM (which requires the majority of 273 MPs) was likely to kindle one to laugh (and it was for me). His partner Paswan asked for no Guinness record for garnering votes in the 2009, as his expectation of winning the election itself came as a shock to him and his party men. To speak in a nutshell, it's no use for Lalu and his partner to cry over the split milk.

Gone is Mulayam Singh

Mulayam Singh's silent move of ornamenting the Prime Ministerial chair has finally upset him with a lower number of seats in the 2009 election. countering the harsh retaliation of words of the BSP chief and its men and coming into conflict with the Congress just before the conduct of elections, when it came to sharing of seats, are not as that much easier ones ot find out solutions. Joining hand with Lalu, he insulted the Congress giving 19 seats in a state with the share 80 to the Parliament, and is now suffering. A protector of the previous UPA government from falling when the Left left the congress in the lurch on the issue of Nuclear Deal with the USA, he enjoyed the gratitude it has shown for him.

His Samajwadi Party is not without shortfalls as its opposite party, BSP, that might have better been avoided or eliminated entering the election scenario. Apart from going on alone in the election without allying with congress, SP made a greater mistake getting Kalyan Singh, the then chief minister of Uttar Pradesh who held responsibility of the demoliton of the Babrid Masjid, forgetting the fact that it shared the largest of muslim vote bank. The political infighting within the party – between Jeyapradha and thus Amar Singh, the Secretary and the foremost and senior-most Muslim leader – did it work in certain places, where Muslims are dominating.

Deva Gowda

A figure of pathetic from the south that asks for much sympathy in this election in none other than the then Prime Minister (!) Deva Gowda. Proved himself a political broker in his state for seeing his son, Kumarasamy, in the chair of chief minister by making alliance with the BJP and then breaking it – when his son term ended – to seek after the support of the congress, against which he is acting now, Deve Gowda dreamt of becoming the Prime Minister with support from the Third Front, formed with the initiatives of himself.

Election fever in India is over with the results in May 16, 2009. Though the results announced favoured the Congress, it happened exceeding its expectations. Of the six national parties, congress alone is grown to be the biggest party, yet with a shortage of 70 MPs to form a government with absolute majority. BJP, on the other hand, has to suffer its fate for the second term. It is also undeniable that the election, 2009, has brought forth both surprises and shocks alike to parties at national, state and regional level, and has scattered the hope of ruling the nation of many fronts recently formed. It is a miracle for congress itself to form the government for the second term, even among the wave of dislike among the people over the question of the national security, economic recession, killings of Tamils in Srilanka, and above all, contesting the elections without allies in most of the states. Wrecked is the citadel of BJP in states, where it rules, ruled, and is dominant, with particular exception in Chhattisgarh where it managed to win what it won in 2004 elections and in Gujarat. Later will be discussed the factors for the fiascos of the parties, laying special importance to once-efficiently-ruled BJP at the centre.

The election has, no doubt, left on the congress the image of invulnerability, with good number of seats from Kanyakumari to Kashmir. Karunanidhi of Tamilnadu and Mamta Banerjee of West Bengal did their tricks in their respective states, with a huge number of 52 seats contributing to the congress to form the coalition government. Andra Pradesh registered a massive victory of winning 33 seats, the highest of all the thirty states for congress, sweeping BJP completely out of the scene as in the 2004 election and the TDP-TRS-Left. People's expectation of Chiranjeevi's Prajya Rajyam Party to play a vital role proved wrong, while, at the same time, his winning of 18 seats out of 294 Assembly might give him a hold in state politics. Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan had the largest share (22 and 20, respectively) for congress next to Andhra Pradesh. The positive results – yet impossible as one expected – in Uttar Pradesh can directly be attributed to the campaign of the “future prime minister of India”, Rahul Gandhi. Punjab, Uttarkhand, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Kerala have shown the signs of improvement that resulted in the increasing number of MPs from that of the 2004 election, while Karnataka, Jharkhand, Assam and Himachal Pradesh ask for congress to concentrate on, as they contributed the congress in number that is smaller compared to that of the previous one. Of the 30 states in India, Bihar is to be given the primary importance, and in the states like Tamilnadu, Maharashtra and West Bengal, congress is to grow in position of standing on its own foot without allies to win a good and reasonable number of seats.

Winning is winning, and the winner tells their positives alone for their winning. Congress has won the elections, no matter how it has. But, for the BJP, the election has sent a clear message that it can't just avoid, by looking into the might-be-causes for its losses.

That BJP's dream of ruling the nation came untrue is an unexpected one. It ruled and is eligible to rule the country. But the election results left the party with a thousand of questions that can't just let go answered. The election made it a must to analyze the answer the questions, intellectually and immediately, to survive its existence for the next forthcoming election. What went wrong and where?

A layman with a little knowledge of politics even knows that BJP bears the stamp of Hindutva party, the image which must be erased in all of its form, not just to gain the Muslim vote bank, but to retain the vote bank it had in the past, for example, the vote bank it had before Gujarat riots. Narendra Modi, who was projected the standby prime ministerial candidate in the future by the second-level leaders like Arun Jaitley and Arun Shourie, failed to catch the people's attention in his own state, which contributed just a one-seat increase from the 2004 election. This also can't just be avoided, as it reflected for the BJP in the negative. His image of an adept administrator was torn into pieces with the Gujarat riots against Muslims. Targeting Dr.Manmohan Singh personally as the weakest prime minister, portraying him as just a puppet in the hands of Sonia Gandhi whose tune he dances, and their slogan of “decisive prime minister for a determined government” did nothing to their expectations, and which, above all, can better be avoided in Advani's campaign. His campaign of getting back to India the black money in Swiss bank failed to reach the mass, i.e., the populace. His visit to and laying wreath at the Jinnah’s mausoleum and his subsequent panegyric note on Muhammad Ali might fester the feelings of Hindutva camps. Varun Gandhi's spoken words – which should be unspoken – which, though, helped him win for himself in his Pilibit constituency, did in fact much harm to the party. The open public spat between the party leader Rajnath Singh and Arun Jaitley has had its own share in the debacle. Its eight MPs' involvement in the bribery for asking questions in the Parliament also gave room for congress to term it a 'stained' party. Also, having failed to find out for themselves a good, young, and eloquent speaker to counter the Rahul Gandhi's impeccable campaign, particularly in the state with large number of seats, where it couldn't get not more than 10 seats as it did in the 2004 elections in Uttar Pradesh, the BJP lead its way to doom in many states.

BJP did a greater mistake by failing to keep AIADMK, Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and Trinamool Congress (TC) within NDA as its allies, which responded it with a major setback in securing more/or at least a few seats in their respective seats. None can evade the fact the Congress has registered a massive victory by allying itself with TC by making use of the wave of antipathy against the Left, which the BJP missed to. TDP’s 24.6% and TRS’s (Telengana Rastriya Samithi) 6.1% votes can’t simply be ignored in Andhra Pradesh. Yielding to her is what the AIADMK supremo J. Jayalalitha expects, and fulfilling her expectations might get for it at least a few seats in Tamilnadu. What is unbearable is that it lost to congress in many states where it is at present under power. Despite the fact that BJP is the ruling party in Uttarkhand, it lost the total five seats to congress. Its experiencing a major setback in Rajasthan needs not in the least surprised, as the result is almost know with the Assembly elections results last year, which favoured congress to rule the state. But what is pathetic is that the BJP never took into consideration the factors that caused to lose the 2008 Assembly election – like Gujjar issue, the growing hatred over Vansunthara Raja, its failing to find out a solution for the smothering animosities between party leaders, etc. Winning eight seats out of 14 in Jharkhand asks for not that much appreciation, as it is because, as everyone believes, of the breakdown of partnership “between congress and Lalu's Rashtriya Janata Dal”. But coming into conflict with Naveen Patnaik's BJD resulted in the negative. Of the three new-born states in 2005, Chhattisgarh alone made its highest contribution, whereas in states like Arunachal Pradesh and Delhi, the BJP recorded absolute swept. Having lost in Madhya Pradesh where it is ruling, in Maharashtra which is to be believed the fort of Hindutva, and in Punjab where its ally, Akali Dal, is ruling could be better termed none other than an irony of 'fate', as it may think. The BJP-ruling states, with exception to Karnataka, would have learnt the art of making votes from the congress-ruling states like Andhra Pradesh and Rajasthan. Incapable of being won even a seat from Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh, and Kerala, the party begs for the people's sympathy. So far as Tamilnadu is concerned, the party has reasons for convincing and consoling itself with number of votes, which it never ever gained, even with alliance of 'yesterday-born' parties.

Apart from what is being discussed, what is alarming is the decrease in the percentage of votes. Though it is the second largest party with a hike in the number of seats from the 2004 election, it is to be noted that it has lost around four percentage of votes in total. With a big question mark about the future of BJP, it is under the compulsion of redefining its principles and to get notice of the hitherto ignored factors, if any. Above all, it is in the need of a leader who is impeccable as Vajpayee and who unites second, third-level leaders and party men alike under one umbrella, putting into them the same sense of purpose. Neither taking right decisions nor taking decisions and making them right is what the BJP did in the 2009 election, and if it lets continue this, no doubt, the party will be “fated” to fail in the future, too.